Understanding the Relevance of Hanif Shah in the Politics of Reservation for the Pangal Community of Manipur
Written by Maibam Safiur Rahaman
Background of Pangal Society during Hanif’s time
Affirmative action refers to a form of positive discrimination undertaken by the State to uplift the weaker and historically marginalized sections of society. It is designed to compensate for long-standing injustices and structural disadvantages experienced by specific groups. In every society, certain communities have faced historical deprivation, and in the Indian context, B.R. Ambedkar advocated the policy of reservation as a means to address such inequalities. Over time, reservation has come to be recognized as one of the most effective instruments in uplifting historically marginalised and weaker sections of the society.
Manipur, formerly an independent monarchical state, became a part of Indian union with the signing of ‘Merger Agreement’ on 21st September 1949. The state became part of a political system where democratic majoritarianism prevailed. Scholars like G. Aloysius have argued that India is still undergoing a nation-building process while attempting to establish a common and homogenizing identity. However, the country’s vast diversity in cultures, religions, languages, and traditions has made the creation of a single unified national identity challenging. Within this complex framework, affirmative action emerged as a tool to both integrate marginalized groups into the national mainstream and to uphold the constitutional vision of an egalitarian social order.
The push for equality, based on affirmative actions for socially and educationally disadvantages sections in India, have gained momentum with the formation of Mandal Commission, which led to systematic identification and categorization of socially and educationally backward classes (OBCs). As a result, many Muslim communities across India were included within the OBC category and became eligible for reservation benefits. Consequently, the Pangal (Manipuri Muslim) community of Manipur is also classified under the OBC category and can claim its share in the national political and educational spheres.
During the initial stage of implementing reservation of OBCs in Manipur, the policy followed was that of national pattern. This top-down approach of implementing policies without recognising the complexities and nuances of the particular regional and local context have consequences in a region like Manipur. The Pangal community, despite being a numerical minority in Manipur, was grouped together with the dominant Meitei/Meetei population under the broad OBC category. This arrangement raised concerns about fairness. Questions have been raised as how the Pangals, who have historically lagged behind in multiple socio-economic indicators, are expected to compete with a socially and educationally advanced majority community like Meitei. Such a structure may not adequately account for the substantial disparities in literacy levels, access to higher education, and socio-economic mobility between the valley majority and the minority Pangal community. As a result, the framework of OBCs reservation during that time was not fully serving the intended objectives of affirmative action.
Who was Md. Hanif Shah?
Md. Hanif Shah was born at Irong Chesaba Mayai Leikai as the youngest son of Alhaj Jamalluddin and Khadijatun Bibi. His father served as a primary school teacher, and Hanif grew up in a large family of eight siblings (four sons and four daughters) with him being the seventh child with one younger sister. He belonged to the Chesam Sagei. His grandfather, Haji Abdul Gani Mia, was a respected figure who became a Pradhan in Irong Chesaba. And so, Hanif inherited a lineage rooted in community service, religious learning, and local leadership.
Hanif received his early education at Shining English School, Irong Chesaba, where he studied from Nursery till KG. He later studied Class I till VI at John English School, Mayang Imphal,Class VII and VIII at Irong Government High Madrasa,Irong Chesaba. He completed his Class X matriculation from Khuman Maheikol in 1998 and Class XII from Tomchou Higher Secondary School in 2000. In 2003, he completed a Diploma in Electrical Engineering from Government Polytechnic, Takyel, securing 10th position. He graduated with a B.Sc. (General) from Mayai Lambi College in 2005 and gained admission to LMS Law College, though he could not finish his studies due to his untimely death.
The 1993 Meitei and Pangal riots had left deep wounds; social, economic, and psychological amongst the Pangal community in Manipur. The community faced trauma, exclusion, and marginalization which has lingered in the collective memory of Pangal society. In the meantime, a new phase of collective awakening and political assertion has slowly begun to take shape amongst the Pangal community in Manipur. Civil society groups and student bodies emerged to demand justice, recognition, and equal opportunities. And Hanif was the social product of that time. From his youth, Hanif Shah emerged as a visionary with strong political awareness and a deep commitment in uplifting the Pangal community. He believed that the Pangals should no longer remain inferior; politically, socially, or economically. His vision extended beyond communal concerns while he consistently advocated for equality, justice, and dignity for all communities in Manipur.
As a student of Government Polytechnic, Takyel, he became one of the founding members of the Government Polytechnic Muslim Students’ Union. Later, he joined the movement for the formal establishment of the All Manipur Muslim Students Organisation (AMMSO), becoming its Vice President in 2002. In 2005, he became the President of AMMSO at a critical moment in the history of the Manipuri Muslim community.
A survey conducted in 2004 by the Directorate of Economics and Statistics, and the Directorate of Minorities and Other Backward Classes (MOBC) revealed that the Meitei Pangal community lagged behind others in every major socio-economic and educational indicator. Literacy rates were significantly lower—particularly among women—while dropout rates were high due to economic hardship. Participation in higher education remained dismal, and most households depended on agriculture and allied activities for survival. Representation in government employment was negligible. These findings confirmed what Pangal organizations had long articulated that the community was structurally disadvantaged and required targeted affirmative action.
During Hanif’s tenure as president, AMMSO intensified its activism. Hanif was at the forefront of demanding a fair share of reservation within the OBC category. Since Muslims in Manipur were clubbed together with the majority Meitei community under the same OBC classification, AMMSO argued that the Pangals could not compete with the far more advanced Meitei population. Under Hanif’s leadership, the organization demanded that 10% of the total 17% OBC reservation had to be earmarked specifically for Manipuri Muslims (a bifurcation within the OBC category) to ensure meaningful representation.
At that time, the severity of the problem was stark in which not a single student from the Meitei-Pangal community had been selected for professional and technical courses such as MBBS and Agriculture for twelve consecutive years. Only a few had managed to gain entry into Veterinary and Engineering courses. The same pattern of near-absence persisted in higher education admissions and government job recruitment. This ‘drought’ of representation underscored the systemic imbalance within the existing reservation structure.
Hanif Shah played a pivotal role in bringing these issues into the public domain. Through campaigns, mobilization, and public discussions, he articulated the structural injustices faced by the community and helped transform reservation for Muslims into a major public and political discourse in Manipur. Under his leadership, AMMSO became more assertive, accusing the government of neglecting the needs of the minority population and demanding corrective measures in education, employment, and access to state institutions.
Hanif’s activism reflected more than just organizational leadership. It represented a vision for dignity, opportunity, and equitable representation for the Pangal community. His contributions continue to shape the narrative of minority rights and affirmative action in Manipur.
Hanif’s vision and his work
AMMSO consistently argued that the socio-economic and educational condition of the Pangal community severely limited their ability to compete in high-stakes examinations such as the Manipur Civil Service and Manipur Police Service. As highlighted in a report, AMMSO stated that
“because of their poor socio-economic conditions, the community could not get through competitive examinations like the Manipur Civil Service and Manipur Police Service. Moreover, Muslim students were finding it difficult to get admission into science streams at the state’s only university, Manipur University.”
This observation reflected the community’s structural disadvantages and the urgent need for targeted affirmative action. The extent of under-representation was further affirmed by the statement of Okram Ibobi Singh, the then Chief Minister of the Secular Progressive Front (SPF), who acknowledged in December 2006 that “though the community comprised seven percent of the total population of the state, it represented only 2.57 percent in the government’s grade I and II jobs.” This illustrated the deep disparities faced by Manipuri Muslims despite being constitutionally recognized as Other Backward Classes (OBC).
Against this backdrop, AMMSO feared that the community would once again miss out on opportunities in the upcoming MPSC examination of early 2006. The student body had already been demanding implementation of the Mandal Commission’s recommendations along with 10 percent reservation for Manipuri Muslim within the OBCs category. But the state government had not operationalized them in Manipur. When the Manipur Public Service Commission proceeded to announce the state services examination without waiting for the government’s reservation notification, AMMSO intensified its agitation.
Although Chief Minister O. Ibobi Singh assured the State Assembly that reservation for OBCs (including Manipuri Muslim) would be implemented before the MPSC examination, the promise did not translate into action. Consequently, AMMSO declared its agitation in September 2005, stating that
“MPSC announced the conduction of the examination without waiting for the Chief Minister’s reservation announcement. Hence AMMSO decided to launch a state-wide general strike protesting against the government’s apparently deliberate inability to either ask the MPSC to postpone the examination or come out immediately with the reservation policy.”
The organization even threatened to boycott the upcoming exam, reflecting the intensity of frustration among Pangal students and youths.
At the time, Manipur’s reservation structure allotted 50 percent of seats as follows: 2 percent for SCs, 31 percent for STs, and 17 percent for OBCs (without any internal provision for Manipuri Muslim). Many political leaders, including MPP leaders Okram Joy and Nimaichand Luwang, publicly acknowledged the need to correct this imbalance. In September 2005, they demanded postponement of the MPSC examination, declaring that “competitive examination scheduled to be conducted by MPSC in January next year should be postponed if Government could not declare reservation policy of the minority Muslims ahead of it.” Their support signified growing recognition across communities and political lines that Manipuri Muslims had been historically overlooked.
On 2nd February 2006, the All Manipur Muslim Students’ Organisation (AMMSO) organised a massive rally in Imphal, reiterating their longstanding appeal for justice while accusing the government of neglecting the Manipuri Muslim community, and denying them their rightful entitlements. More than 10,000 people, including students, women, and community leaders, participated in the demonstration demanding 10 per cent reservation for the community. Although the main demand focussed on employment and educational quota, the rally also saw strong calls for the resignation of Chief Minister Ibobi Singh, whom the protesters accused of failing to protect the rights and interests of minority groups.
The rally was remarkable in both scale and symbolism. It was organised not in a Muslim-inhabited or dominated locality, but at Hapta Kangjeibung, from where the procession began and eventually concluded after passing through major parts of Imphal. Its route, covering New Checkon–Hatta Road, Hatta Minuthong, Lamlong Bazar, JNIMS Ayangpalli Road, Porompat, Nongmeibung, Konung Mamang, and returning to Hapta Kangjeibung, demonstrated that the movement extended far beyond Muslim-majority neighbourhoods. This mobilisation is remembered as the first rally of such magnitude led by the Manipuri Muslim community in modern Manipur’s history, reflecting the influence and organisational charisma of Hanif, whose leadership helped galvanise the masses.
The rally also carried a powerful political message, expressed through chants, placards, and speeches that highlighted the demand for equality, minority rights, and fair treatment of all communities. In one of the most striking and symbolic moments of the event, Mubarak Ali, an MPSC aspirant from Hatta Golapati, tore his MPSC admit card in front of the public gathering at Hapta Kangjeibung. His act of defiance was a direct protest against the government’s failure to implement job reservation for Manipuri Muslim OBCs, capturing both the frustration and determination of the community.
Following the mass rally on February 2nd, 2006, AMMSO leaders held several meetings with the then Chief Minister. A participant from AMMSO recalled that the Chief Minister allegedly mocked the team by using the word ‘Naha’ which left the volunteers deeply disappointed and offended. This interaction reflected not only a personal affront but also the systemic marginalization of the Manipuri Muslim community, as the government delayed implementing concrete measures to address AMMSO’s demands.
The incident shows the challenges faced by minority-led social movements when engaging with state authorities, where dismissive or belittling behaviour can serve to undermine collective struggle. Despite this, AMMSO’s persistence shows the strategic resilience and principled leadership of Md. Hanif Shah, showing how ethical and committed leadership can sustain momentum in the face of political and institutional disregard.
Frustrated by governmental inaction, AMMSO called a 36-hour general strike from 4 a.m. on February 4, 2006. In a strongly worded statement, the organization asserted that
“The extreme step had been compelled by the indifferent attitude of the Government to various demands put forward by AMMSO since 2002. No welfare schemes and developmental projects have been initiated by the SPF Government to address plight of Manipuri Muslims who are relatively backward on all fronts.”
The statement went beyond statistics and addressed the community’s lived experiences. It lamented that
“Such economic and social backwardness has become a cause of satirical comments and ignominious treatment by other relatively better communities. Experiences of all such maltreatment have sowed seeds of discontentment among the youths leading them away from the mainstream society.”
These concerns reflected not only socio-economic hardship but also a deep sense of humiliation and exclusion shaping the political consciousness and assertiveness of Pangal youth.
Such strategic mobilizations revealed the clarity of Hanif Shah’s vision for the Manipuri Muslim community. His leadership inspired the community to articulate their collective grievances openly and confidently, and the movement gained recognition even among political parties.
Under Hanif’s determined leadership, the movement intensified and mobilized support on an unprecedented scale. Through general strikes, boycotts, economic blockades, and public rallies, he brought the plight of the Pangal community to the centre of political discourse. His dedication inspired the entire community to rally behind AMMSO. Under the leadership of Hanif Shah, the reservation movement witnessed a significant organisational consolidation. The Northeastern Muslim Students’ Union (NEMSU) and the All Manipur Muslim Students’ Union (AMMSU), both representing Muslim student interests, were integrated into AMMSO. This strategic unification not only broadened AMMSO’s organisational base but also harmonised differing priorities, enabling a more coordinated and impactful movement for the rights of Manipur’s Muslim community.
This phase of agitation culminated in a significant development. On 4th February,2006, a memorandum of understanding was signed between the Government of Manipur and AMMSO, with AMMOCOC acting as witness. Md. Hanif Shah signed on behalf of AMMSO. The Government assured that the demand for a separate reservation quota for Pangals would be considered in the upcoming Assembly session. Addressing the media that day, Hanif recounted the course of negotiations. He stated that
“Soon after receiving the invitation representatives of AMMOCOC and All Manipur Muslim Education Society also took part in the deliberation. The first round of talks with the Chief Minister lasting for about two hours failed to narrow down the differences resulting with the representatives staging a walkout,” and further added that “second round of talks which wound up at around 7 pm ended with the signing of the memorandum and calling off the agitation.”
Hanif also cautioned the government that failure to honour the agreement would force AMMSO to resume intense agitations, although he assured that the organization would not obstruct the MPSC Combined Services Examination scheduled for the next day. His ability to walk out of negotiations when the government refused to meet the community’s demands demonstrated an uncompromising integrity, an example future generations could learn from.
Despite the signed MoU, the government failed to implement the promised reforms, reflecting a broader pattern of neglect toward the backward and marginalized Manipuri Muslim community. As a result, AMMSO relaunched a series of agitations demanding the implementation of the 10 percent reservation within the OBC category. Numerous social organizations extended support to these movements, underscoring a widespread consensus on the need for justice.
The persistent mobilization of AMMSO under the leadership of Md. Hanif Shah reinforced a powerful message: that a disadvantaged community must organize, assert, and negotiate to claim its rightful place in the socio-political landscape of Manipur.
Gaining the momentum of the Movement
Although the Manipur Legislative Assembly passed the OBC Bill No. 12 on 19th March 2006, intended to regulate reservation of seats, the specific percentage to be reserved for the Manipuri Muslim community was still not declared. This ambiguity created further frustration among the them, who had already been demanding clarity and justice for years.
In response, AMMSO escalated its agitation. In a meeting presided over by Md. Hanif Shah, AMMSO reiterated its core demand for the ‘IMPLEMENTATION OF RESERVATION FOR MUSLIMS IN MANIPUR’. In May 2006, AMMSO urged the government to make public its stand on the issue before issuing of application form for the upcoming MBBS/BDS Selection Entrance Examination, 2006 and decided to ban the conduct of the entrance test until the issue has been resolved.
The organization adopted symbolic and confrontational strategies; wearing black badges, organizing Wakat Meephams, picketing government offices, and demanding the resignation of MLAs and Ministers of the ruling SPF Government along with their party workers. General strikes were also called as part of the pressure campaign. AMMSO systematically structured its agitation into phases. The first phase involved sit-in demonstrations; the second phase boycotted all government offices; the third phase introduced a social boycott of the SPF Government; the fourth phase launched an economic blockade; and the fifth phase threatened to boycott the 9th Manipur General Election. These escalating steps were formally announced by AMMSO on 1st September 2006.
The movement began attracting extensive support from various organizations across the valley, especially from areas with significant Manipuri Muslim populations. Among them were MSF Lilong Branch, AMSU Lilong Branch, AMMOCOC, UMMWDO, All Manipur Muslim Students’ Union (AMMSU), Phundrei Makha Leikai, Popular Youth Club, All Santhel Women Development Association, Unemployed Development Organisation (Kshetrigao),Mairenkhul Youth Development Association (Sangaiyumpham Mairenkhul),Keirao Makha Leikai Youth Development Society,Education Unemployed Youth Association (Keirao Makting),Local Youth Welfare Association (Sangaiyumpham Mamang Leikai),Pioneers for Rural and Environment Services (Sangaiyumpham Yangbi Leikai),Puleipokpi Rural Development Organisation (Tentha Khunou),Social Development Association (Lilong Uku),Lilong Bazar Shop-Keepers’ Welfare Association,Progressive Library and Youth Development Organisation (Lilong Bazar),Turel Ahanbi Mayai Leikai Social Welfare & Development Association (Lilong). Their collective endorsement amplified the legitimacy of the agitation and reflected widespread recognition of the community’s grievances. Other prominent organizations also issued statements in support of AMMSO, pressuring the Government to announce the reservation percentage for Manipuri Muslim, including Islamic Sporting Association, Urup Khunou Youth Club, Social Development Council (Yairipok Ningthounai), Muhammadan Sporting Association (Kiyamgei Muslim), and Immortal Club (Yairipok Bamon Leikai). This network of support indicated that the issue had evolved from a student-led agitation into a community-wide movement.
As the situation intensified, AMMSO called for an indefinite economic blockade on the two National Highways beginning at midnight, followed by a four-day general strike starting 14th September 2006. The movement went beyond administrative pressure and transformed into a direct challenge to the political establishment. The student body declared a complete social boycott of the SPF Government in which legislators were no longer to be invited to any Pangal events, nor would the community participate in government-organised functions. In a dramatic expression of anger, AMMSO Santhel Branch burned the effigy of Chief Minister O. Ibobi Singh, while effigies of Speaker Dr. Maniruddin Sheikh, MOBC Minister Md. Alaudin Khan, and MLA Md. Abdul Salam were buried in a mock cremation. According to the report, “the effigy of Chief Minister O Ibobi was burned while those of Speaker Dr Maniruddin Sheikh, MOBC Minister Md Alaudin Khan and MLA Md Abdul Salam were buried in a mock cremation.”
During the reservation movement, growing public anxiety emerged over AMMSO’s decision to impose a four-day general strike beginning on 14 September and to continue its economic blockade, leading the Rural United Clubs’ Organisation (RUCO) to appeal to the All Manipur Muslim Students’ Organisation (AMMSO) to withdraw its proposed four-day general strike beginning on 14th September, as well as the ongoing blockade. RUCO argued that such protest strategies impose severe burdens on ordinary citizens, especially daily wage earners, and urged AMMSO to adopt less disruptive forms of agitation. In its statement, RUCO affirmed its willingness to support AMMSO’s broader objectives, noting that “RUCO is ready to extend all its help to AMMSO in pursuit of its demand”, while simultaneously clarifying that “it will not be in a position to support the general strike and economic blockade.”
RUCO comprises twenty-two clubs: Mayanglangjing Sorok Mapan (VALMA); Mayanglangjing Lamang (MLYLC); Mayanglangjing Lamang Taning; Phulou Keivoi; Phulou Shiphai; Chirang; Chirang Senjam; Moibungkhunou; Ngariyambam Kwaksiphai (KYDC); Akham; Laingamkhul; Lamsang Awang Leikai; Lambal; Lamlongei; Tera Urak Lairenkabi; Sanjembam; Haorang Saban; Phayeng; Singda Kadangbam; MTDC (TDC); Phumlou Keivoi Youth Development Club; and Phumlou Siphai Youth Development Club.
A number of other voluntary organisations also publicly opposed the proposed general strike and urged AMMSO to reconsider its decision in the interest of the wider population. These included: The Nambol Sabal Leikai Youth Club and Library, Nambol; The Sagolband Mantri Leikai Women’s Development Association; The Kongpal Students’ Club; Youth Organisation Sporting Club, Khurai Konsam Leikai; The Top Sagolsel Pukhri Mapal Women’s Developmental Association, Top Makha Leikai; The Imphal Western Club, Uripok Khumanthem Leikai; The Public Club, Khurai Top Khongnangkhong Makhong; Moirang Hanuba Youth Development Club, Sagolband; Oriental Youths’ Organisation, Kongpal Makha, Porompat Road; and Samaj Tengbang Lup, Uripok Achom Leikai.
At the governmental level, Chief Minister O. Ibobi Singh appealed for restraint, explaining that reservations “on the basis of religion cannot be announced as desired by them.” Acknowledging concerns, he stated that the government was working to devise “a feasible solution,” while also noting that the students had burnt his effigy and buried the effigies of Speaker Maniruddin Sheikh and Cabinet Minister Allaudin Khan. He concluded by emphasising the sensitivity of the issue arguing that “Reservation is a delicate issue and the government has to face dire consequences if anything goes wrong.”
The significance of this movement, led by Md. Hanif Shah, cannot be overstated. For the first time in the history of the Manipuri Muslim community, an economic blockade was enforced along the National Highways—a tactic typically associated with larger ethnic or political movements in Manipur. This reflected both the desperation and the strategic capability of AMMSO under his leadership. Secondly, the support of mainstream student bodies and organisations (AMSU and MSF Lilong Branch) showcased the respect and charisma Hanif Shah commanded. RUCO acknowledged the legitimacy of AMMSO’s reservation demands. Activists from these larger organisations supported the movement not out of token solidarity, but because they recognized the justice of the cause and the clarity of Hanif’s leadership. This unity is a lesson for the present generation of activists, many of whom are now more divided or co-opted by personal interests. The earlier tradition of collective struggle contrasts sharply with what some describe today as “Shak-mai Yengnabi Culture” and “MLA, Minister Gi Pocket Ta Yaoba Organisation,” indicating a decline in integrity. Hanif Shah’s era modelled a fearless commitment to justice that today’s AMMSO must reflect upon. Thirdly, the symbolic burning and burial of effigies (especially of Muslim representatives) demonstrated that AMMSO had the courage to question even leaders from its own community when they failed to act. This fearlessness disturbed the political establishment and forced the State to recognise the growing frustration among Pangals.
Despite obstacles, AMMSO moved onward with determination. Finally, on December 27, 2006, the Government of Manipur’s Department of Personnel & Administrative Reforms issued an Office Memorandum restructuring reservation under OBC. After review, the State Government fixed 17 percent OBC reservation and distributed it as follows:
1. Meitei/Meeteis (including Meitei Brahmin, Meetei/Meetei Sanamahi, Meitei Rajkumar, and Non-Scheduled Caste Lois) — 12.5%
2. Meitei Pangal — 4%
3. Telis domiciled in Manipur for 10 years (and their descendants), and the Badi, Damai, Gairey, Satki, and Kami (Nepali) communities domiciled in Manipur since 09-07-1947 — 0.5%
This reservation structure applied to government services as well as admissions to professional courses such as medical, engineering, veterinary, agricultural sciences, nursing, and polytechnic programs. This decision marked a historic milestone. For the first time, the most marginalized community in Manipur secured a guaranteed share within the reservation system. Though only partial, it reflected the accumulated efforts, sacrifices, and organizational strength of the community under leaders like Md. Hanif Shah. It demonstrated that united struggle could force systemic change, offering new hope for socio-economic mobility.
However, AMMSO still found the allotted quota insufficient. After the Government’s announcement, the organisation issued a statement expressing dissatisfaction and demanding an increase, arguing that the 4 percent quota did not adequately reflect the depth of the community’s backwardness.
Soon after, Hanif Shah shifted his focus toward broader social issues, particularly corruption and the growing drug menace in the state,continuing his commitment to social justice beyond the reservation movement. Hanif Shah’s vision for community upliftment extended beyond social and political mobilisation. He recognised the transformative role of sports in fostering discipline, unity, and youth empowerment within the Manipuri Muslim community. With this broader objective, he initiated efforts within AMMSO to promote organised sports activities among Pangal youth. Under his leadership, AMMSO constituted a state-level cricket team named Dark Knight Star, an initiative that sought to identify and nurture sporting talent from across Muslim-inhabited villages in Manipur. A systematic selection process was undertaken, including a structured trial held at Khuman Lampak, where promising young cricketers were chosen based on merit. Through this endeavour, Hanif Shah aimed not only to encourage athletic excellence but also to cultivate a sense of collective identity, confidence, and aspiration among the youth of his community.
The legacy of this period shows how sustained and principled activism, grounded in community aspirations, can reshape public policy. It also highlights the importance of courageous leadership,something today’s youth and AMMSO must constantly revisit and reclaim.
End of an Era
The tragic events of 17th November 2007 marked one of the darkest days in the collective memory of Manipuri Muslim community. On this day, Md. Hanif Shah, a prominent leader and president of the All Manipur Muslim Students’ Organisation (AMMSO), was brutally assassinated after attending a programme, organised by the All Manipur Anti-Drug Association (AMADA) at Madrassa Alia, Lilong, Thoubal District. The programme had focused on the urgent issue of drug abuse in Lilong and Manipur, an issue to which Hanif Shah had devoted much of his activism.
According to his close circle, Hanif Shah had received threats prior to attending the event, with pressure being exerted on him to resign from his position as AMMSO president. Despite this, he continued his responsibilities with unwavering commitment.
The incident was widely reported, and The Telegraph described it as follows:
“Suspected militants shot dead Md Hanif Shah, the president of the All Manipur Muslim Students’ Organisation, and shot at and injured Anuwari Nurjahan, the chief of the United Manipur Muslim Women’s Development Organisation, at Lilong in Thoubal district at 7pm yesterday. The injured woman is undergoing treatment at a private hospital in Imphal. No group has claimed responsibility for the killing, but the police said rebels of the People’s United Liberation Front, a Muslim outfit, could be behind the attacks” (Source:https://www.telegraphindia.com/north-east/shutters-down-in-manipur-after-blast/cid/672548).
The killing sent shockwaves across Manipur society and beyond. In response, a joint public meeting was convened at Lilong Bazar, where civil society leaders gathered in solidarity. Presided over by UMMWDO vice president Nuri, AMMSO vice president,Haji Mv Abdul Hamid along with Haji Siraj Ahamed, the meeting strongly condemned the attack. It demanded a clear explanation from all concerned authorities and firmly rejected any attempt to justify or shift blame after taking a life.
The gathering further insisted that the Government provide guarantees for the safety of civil society leaders and activists, including ex-gratia assistance for affected families. They emphasized that the attack occurred while Hanif Shah was returning from a seminar on the role of Manipuri Muslims in combating drug abuse highlighting the profound irony that a leader fighting against social evils was targeted for his courage.
Across Manipur, organisations expressed collective anger and grief. The killing was denounced as an act of cowardice by the Khabeisoi Youth Library and Sporting Association, Qaumi Awaz Idara, and Saregam Artiste Union of Khabeisoi. The Manipur University Muslim Students’ Union (MUMSU) and Thambal Academy, Lilong Haoreibi Makha Leikai, also issued statements lamenting that the murder of a committed social activist was a grave loss to the entire society. Staff of Darul-Uloom, Lilong Haoreibi, likewise condemned the targeted attack and urged the State to ensure the protection of civilians and public figures.
Hanif Shah’s Namaz-e-Janaza was performed in his native village, Irong Chesaba, where he was laid to rest amidst mourning and deep respect. After the assassination of Hanif Shah, AMMSO became defunct for a period of time, but it was later revived. His assassination did not simply mark the loss of an individual—it represented the silencing of a courageous voice fighting for justice, reform, and the upliftment of the downtrodden. His legacy remains a powerful reminder of the risks borne by those who challenge entrenched injustices.
Legacies that live on
The legacy of Md. Hanif Shah continues to live on in the memories of those who walked beside and work with him. SM Ajijur Rahaman, from Irong Chesaba, recalled Hanif Shah’s early activism and the founding of AMMSO, highlighting that
“In 2000, Hanif and I were admitted to Government Polytechnic, Takyel. In a short period, we formed a union called the Government Polytechnic Muslim Students’ Union to raise the issues and concerns of Muslim students and to organise ourselves. After some time, in coordination with DM College’s Muslim Students’ Union, we started mobilising to form a student organisation for Pangals, and AMMSO was formed in 2002. Hanif became the Vice President. Hanif’s sacrifice and dedication for this cause were immense; he even used his family’s 4-wheel vehicle for mobilisation by visiting Manipuri Muslim-inhabited villages. Because there was no office in the initial phase, AMMSO didn’t have a proper office, so when returning late after mobilisation, Hanif and others even stayed overnight inside the vehicle.”
Ajijur also reflected on the tangible outcomes of Hanif’s leadership while recounting that
“With the support of many civil society organisations and an invisible hand, AMMSO under the leadership of Hanif Shah, secured 4% reservation for the Pangal community. Before getting reservation, Pangals couldn’t get admission in MBBS or government jobs. Once we got the reservation, many Pangal have benefited from it.”
He further highlighted Hanif’s personal qualities as a leader, commenting that
“Hanif’s leadership had some extraordinary qualities. He is loyal to the community. He is a typical honest ‘do or die’ person, never seeking personal benefit, and determined to fulfil whatever he is committed to.”
Aribam Farid Khan from Lilong Turel Ahanbi emphasised Hanif’s personal sacrifices during financial crises saying that
“When the reservation movement started, and financial constraints arose in the AMMSO, he sold his wristwatch (brought by his father from Haj pilgrimage). He also sold his own bike, and mortgaged his family’s 4-wheel vehicle. On his way to the hospital on 17th November after being shot, Hanif Shah’s last words were ‘Ei Lanbadi Lande, Meyamda Salam Tambiyu, Eid Chatpa Tare’….”
The “invisible hand” behind the academic and strategic framing of the reservation movement, Syed Wahidur Rahman(Retd. Associate Professor), who served as an undeclared adviser, offered an assessment of Hanif’s organisational competency as
“Hanif was a man of word, integrity, principle, action, and discipline. He was very good at mobilisation for a purpose or goal, very sincere in his approach, very cooperative. The reservation issue was initiated by AMPWA with the submission of several representations as a civil society organisation, followed by AMMOCOC and AMMSO. AMPWA ,an elite body were best at paperwork but could not bring the movement to the street level or mobilise the masses. AMMSO openly brought the movement to the streets while other CSOs coordinated with AMMSO under an umbrella movement. This was the contribution of Hanif Shah.”
Former General Secretary of AMMSO Salim Azad has highlighted Hanif’s political resilience commenting that
“When the reservation movement intensified, the then government tried to negotiate with Hanif Shah through backdoor offers, even sending political leaders from Pangal to trap him. But Hanif Shah declined, saying he would stand firm on the reservation issue, a job may come later. With a smiling face and patience, he could pursue and control people calmly. He is very stubborn in pursuit of objectives, determined, courageous, never turned back, and could translate words into action.”
Md Jalaluddin @ Yakub, Hanif’s brother, reflected on his courage, moral conviction, and community focus, commenting that
“My brother has sacrificed for the sake of the community. We entrust him to Allah. We did not demand anything after his killing because Allah will judge. Hanif Shah was pressured to resign from the post of president by a faction of an armed group, but he refused and continued, wanting to hold office until the completion of the prize distribution programme for competition, and because of concerns over a leadership vacuum and the existential question of AMMSO. The then Chief Minister offered him a job in exchange for compromising the reservation movement, but he declined, saying the reservation movement represented the collective interest of Manipuri Muslims, far more important than personal gain. Hanif was not frightened by threats. He believed in dialogue and had the courage to apologise if he crossed limits, but was never timid or reluctant to question wrongdoing. He rarely returned home during his tenure as president of AMMSO. His sacrifice was for the community. Those who benefited from the reservation must not forget this sacrifice and must contribute to the welfare of the community.”
Aribam Mangisana Sharma from Mayang Imphal Maibam, a close school friend of Hanif, spoke about him with deep warmth and affection. He remembered Hanif as a man true to his word—unproblematic, easy-going, and soft-hearted. Though Mangisana was a Brahmin (Bamon) and Hanif a Manipuri Muslim (Pangal), there was never a moment when religion or identity created distance between them. They ate together, travelled together, and spent their days like any two close friends, without the slightest sense of separation, recounting that
“I remember Hanif as someone who always kept his promises. He was gentle, easy-going, and never selfish. Even when we were young, he dreamed of helping his community and doing good for society. At a time when most boys our age aspired to become doctors or engineers, Hanif used to tell us during our school days that he did not want a government job. He wanted to be an activist, to do social work, and serve the people. He loved his community, but he never did anything that would harm or hurt other communities. Hanif showed us that loving your own community does not mean hating others, unlike many activists today. His goal was always to work for the welfare of people and help anyone in need. There is one story I will never forget. One day we all went to Heirangoithong to buy clothes. Hanif bought a shirt, and one of our friends liked it very much. Without a moment’s hesitation, he gave the shirt to him. When I asked why he did that, he simply said that since our friend liked it, he gave it to him. He never saw it as something to think twice about. That was the kind of person he was always thinking of others first. He was truly a kind human.”
“What pains me the most is that we had planned to have a feast together. We were supposed to meet again, eat together, and relive old memories. But before we could meet for that small reunion, he passed away—just a day or two earlier. Even today, that thought hurts me deeply,” he added softly.
Wahidur Rehman of Lilong Turel Ahanbi, Kaleikhong Makok, recalled that he first met Hanif Shah during the reservation movement, when Hanif and his team were going around seeking donations and spreading awareness about the importance of reservations for the community, commenting that
“I run a hostel and a small fast-food hotel at Hatta Telipati. One day, while I was working at the fast food, Hanif and his team came to ask for donations and explained the goals of the reservation movement. A few days later, they approached me again and asked if I would serve as the Education Secretary of AMMSO. Not long after that, the AMMSO office was shifted right next to my hotel. From then on, Hanif and I became very close.”
He shares that Hanif, along with other AMMSO members deeply involved in the movement, often stayed at his hostel, highlighting that
“We were together for most of the time. Hanif stayed with me most of the time, hardly returning home because he was fully engaged in the movement. The other members also stayed at my hostel whenever they needed to. My landlord learned that Hanif was involved in organisation activities while bringing others to my rented room and hostel. Owner wasn’t happy about staying there and even showed it through his behaviour.” Wahidur said.
Wahidur furthered that when Hanif sensed the discomfort, he chose to quietly leave, commenting that
“Even if he knows the discontent of the Landlord, he did not say anything. He simply left by saying that he needed to go home. At that time, he used to drive their family’s Sumo vehicle, which was also used during the movement. That night, instead of disturbing anyone, he slept inside the Sumo Vehicle at an oil pump in Hatta.”
Wahidur also recalled his interaction with Hanif about his future plan post-reservation movement, saying that
“After the movement succeeded, Hanif expressed his wish to distribute the pending prizes of a mathematics and general knowledge competition that had held earlier and to celebrate the victory of the movement with the community. But sadly, he never got the chance. He died before those dreams could come true.”
He then recalled their last conversation.
“On the day he died, he called me in the afternoon and said he would come to meet me. We even joked with my mother. Hanif never ate Pan Thongba (Taro curry), and my mother teased him, saying she was cooking it. He joked back and asked her to keep some leftover dal from the hotel.”
Everything changed that evening for Wahidur when he narrated that
“Around 7 pm, he was shot. Faruque called me and told me to come to the hospital—bringing whatever money I had. I had ₹1,500 and quickly asked Pusham Habibullah from Paobitek for ₹5,000 before rushing to Shija Hospital. But when I reached… he was already gone. I didn’t get to meet him. That pain still lives in me.”
He also described Hanif’s pivotal role during the February mass rally organised across Manipur. Some individuals within the Pangal community (whom he referred to as ‘black sheep’) had urged AMMSO not to go ahead with the general strike, claiming they supported the reservation movement but not the strike. Wahidur narrated that
“But Hanif stood firm. He declared the general strike—the first time the Pangal community called an all-Manipur general strike. Many were injured, many arrested, but it was a success. Following the events, on February 4, an MoU was signed after negotiations with the Chief Minister. Soon after, a mob gathered at Hatta, accusing AMMSO volunteers of being paid by the government. They attacked the volunteers and even destroyed the AMMSO office. When AMMSO announced that the movement would be intensified in May 2006 due to the government’s failure to fulfil its promises, a mainstream civil society organisation (preparing for its foundation day) had asked AMMSO to postpone the strike. Hanif agreed to postpone it only if they issued a public statement supporting the reservation movement. He said that we are working for the truth, justice, and right. We will respect your foundation day, but you must also support our cause. But they refused to issue any statement. So, Hanif also refused to call off the strike.”
He added that Hanif received several threats for insisting on going ahead with the strike, yet he stood his ground. The strike was ultimately carried out and became “a major success.” Thus, Wahidur concluded, “Hanif Shah was a brave leader.”
The recollections and testimonies surrounding the life and activism of Md. Hanif Shah reveal a figure whose leadership was rooted in personal sacrifice, moral conviction, and a vision of collective upliftment for the Manipuri Muslim (Pangal) community. The diverse voices,ranging from close friends and family to civil society members and organisational colleagues—construct a multi-layered understanding of Hanif’s legacy, situating him as both a transformative political actor and a deeply humane individual.
Lessons to be learnt
The legacy of Md. Hanif Shah continues to resonate within the Manipuri Muslim (Pangal) community, symbolised through commemorative practices and institutional recognition. In honour of his contributions, a masjid was established on 26 April 2019 at Irong Chesaba Mayai Leikai, named “Chesabam Hanif Wali Masjid.” Beyond its religious function, the masjid serves as a site of collective memory, reflecting the community’s recognition of Hanif Shah’s leadership, activism, and enduring commitment to social justice. Annually, on 17th November, numerous civil society organisations and community members gather to perform ‘Dua Gi Thouram’, reaffirming his enduring moral a cultural influence. These commemorative practices are accompanied by other initiatives, including football tournaments, debate competitions, painting contests, blood donation drives, and educational awards such as the Hanif Memorial Meritorious Award and the Hanif Shah Memorial Outstanding Award. While these activities symbolically honour his memory, many have been discontinued over time, raising concerns regarding the sustainability and continuity of such commemorative engagements.
While symbolic recognition preserves the memory of Hanif Shah, the substantive impact of his vision, particularly in his efforts to secure socio-political and educational equality through affirmative action, remains an ongoing challenge. The 4% reservation allocated to the Pangal community represents a tangible achievement of the movement he led, yet it is widely acknowledged, even by Hanif Shah, that this provision is insufficient to address historical disadvantages or ensure meaningful socio-economic inclusion. Structural inequalities persist, particularly in higher education and government employment, raising questions about the implementation and effectiveness of the policy. The discontinuation of several memorial initiatives further highlights the gap between commemoration and continued advocacy for systemic change.
These circumstances prompt critical reflection on the broader implications of Hanif Shah’s legacy in the following ways
- To what extent has the dream he nurtured been realised by contemporary Manipuri Muslims?
- Does the current reservation percentage adequately address the backlog of unfulfilled opportunities within the community?
- Is there an equitable translation of the policy into actual employment and educational representation across state departments and institutions?
These questions remain largely unexamined, indicating a need for renewed engagement and accountability from both policymakers and community organisations. Hanif Shah’s life and leadership illustrate the dynamic interplay between individual agency, collective mobilisation, and institutional policy change.
Commemorative acts such as awards, events, and religious dedications maintain the visibility of his leadership but cannot substitute for sustained structural interventions. For organisations such as the All Manipur Muslim Students’ Organisation (AMMSO), reflecting on his legacy requires not only celebrating past achievements but also critically assessing ongoing challenges, particularly in the implementation of reservation policies, educational access, and socio-economic upliftment. In this sense, Hanif Shah’s legacy functions both as an inspiration and as a benchmark for continued activism, emphasising the importance of translating symbolic recognition into enduring social and political transformation.
(Writer is the Editor of Ichel News Network and can be reached at safiurmaibam81@gmail.com .Copying or duplicating without acknowledgment is strictly prohibited)